A private autopsy, commissioned by Bradford’s family, indicates he was shot three times, once in the head, once in the neck, and once in the back. All the shots entered from behind.
Germany’s right-wing populists said they sought to celebrate the contributions of white men, who faced “rampant discrimination” in society. The calendar was promoted with the hashtag “yes to white men” on Twitter.
The world is talking about the Migration Compact, but the UN says its Refugee Pact is just as important. The agreement is up for a vote this week at a conference in Marrakesh. Can it win over the United States?
he Kochs’ chief political lieutenant, Richard Fink, developed what he called a three-stage model of social change. Universities would produce “the intellectual raw materials”. Thinktanks would transform them into “a more practical or usable form”. Then “citizen activist” groups would “press for the implementation of policy change”. To these ends the Kochs set up bodies in all three categories themselves, such as the Mercatus Center at George Mason University, the Cato Institute and the “citizens’ group” Americans for Prosperity. But for the most part they funded existing organisations that met their criteria. They have poured hundreds of millions of dollars into a network of academic departments, thinktanks, journals and movements. And they appear to have been remarkably successful. As researchers at Harvard and Columbia universities have found, Americans for Prosperity alone now rivals the Republican party in terms of size, staffing and organisational capacity. It has pulled “the Republican party to the far right on economic, tax and regulatory issues”. It was crucial to the success of the Tea Party movement, the ousting of Democrats from Congress, and the staffing of Trump’s tra
A separate study of about 600 Twitter accounts, believed to be directly tied to the Russian government or closely aligned with its propaganda, found significant numbers had tweeted prolifically in Robinson’s defence.
In other words, the question of whether something is racist may be more complicated than it appears on the surface. We might consider events and policies racist not because an individual is hurling epithets or explicitly trying to harm black people but because they result in the systematic disenfranchisement of black people and harm to black children – regardless of intent – and because they are bound up in the perpetuation of historical policies rooted in more explicit racism. And this, in part, is why people fight so hard for their schools: because the fight is actually about a great deal more than just one building.
The baseball commissioner’s office has its own political action committee and donates to politicians on both sides of the aisle to help promote its causes in Congress, like protecting M.L.B.’s antitrust exemption and other legislation, like how teams pay minor league players. Charles Johnson, an owner of the San Francisco Giants, also made contributions to Hyde-Smith. He and his wife Ann each donated $2,700 through a super PAC. In a statement, Johnson said he was unaware the contribution would be used to support Hyde-Smith. “I had absolutely no knowledge that this donation would be used in this manner and I, like the Giants organization, strongly condemn any form of racism and in no way condone the advertisement that was created by this entity.”
The day after President Trump’s election in 2016 — according to Documenting Hate, a project that tracks bias incidents around the country — a student reportedly told a seventh-grade girl in Clarksburg, W.Va., “You’re going back to Mexico now.” The girl’s father is Native American and she is not of Mexican descent. Her skin is darker, the report noted. Later that month, a woman reported that she was in line at a grocery store in Austin, Texas, when an older man picked up a newspaper with a picture of a Latino man. “Trump is going to get rid of you people,” she said he exclaimed before shaking the paper at her. The woman was white, but had darker skin. For many Latinos, the Trump era has hammered home the privilege, or lack thereof, that comes from being the light-skinned güero or dark-skinned prieto of the family.
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