Council president Rogério Giannini, a psychologist based in São Paulo, said its 1999 decision prohibiting “sexual conversion” therapy had already faced off other legal actions and even a proposed bill in Congress.“There is no way to cure what is not a disease,” Giannini told the Guardian. “It is not a serious, academic debate, it is a debate connected to religious or conservative positions.”He noted that the ruling also said academic research into sexual conversion therapy should be allowed, which the council has never banned.“We have no power over research,” he said. “The way it was put by the judge gave the impression that we prohibited research which is not true.”As hashtags like #curagay (“gay cure”) trended in Brazil, Twitter users used memes and GIFs to ridicule the decision.“They tried to make me go to rehab, I said no, no, no,” tweeted one Brazilian using the name Ubiratan.
For writers and journalists, for activists, and for people directly affected by unjust policy and legislation, asking questions, seeking justice, and speaking out is an innate part of our work, of our livelihood, of who we are as humans. The attempt to silence people through public shaming and the tacit threat of a public and threatening pile-on are tools the federal government appears to now be using to effectively silence the most vulnerable people in our society. Many are already familiar with this culture in online spaces and in some locales, but blatantly and openly bullying constituents at the Federal level in the U.S. is new. And it does not smell like democracy.
As part of its digital campaign strategy, AfD has even brought on American consultants with the Harris Media advertising agency. The Texas consulting firm specializes in customers with “controversial” messages who range from Donald Trump and the gun lobby to France’s far-right Front National. Their task is to adapt Kunkel’s print campaign for the digital world. Two Harris employees have also embedded themselves in the digital “war room” inside the AfD’s national headquarters in Berlin.But it appears that the American pros are running into hurdles — with one of the most important advertising platforms around. Officials with AfD have complained that Google is blocking large parts of its advertising campaign. “We aren’t having difficulties with any other platform,” said campaign manager Kunkel. He said that Facebook and Twitter are treating AfD like a normal customer. “But Google is sabotaging us, creating a disadvantage for us relative to our political competition.”Dividing the Pie Between Google, Facebook and TwitterThe dispute shines a spotlight on the role the U.S. Internet giants are playing in the current German election. For the first time, the criteria used by major American internet platforms to decide on what paid political content can be disseminated to their users — and what cannot — is playing a central role in a German election.
Tired of editors giving assignments overwhelmingly to men, Ms. Zalcman created Women Photograph to address the imbalance. The database lists 650 women in 87 countries. It includes 40 in Africa, 37 in Asia and 38 in the Middle East. To not include women from those areas, she said, “almost seems like a mathematical impossibility.”Melissa Lyttle, president of the National Press Photographers Association, called Nikon’s marketing attempt an “egregious slap in the face to advancement that’s happened in the past 20 years in our industry.”She said she had worked for paternalistic editors who did not want to send a woman into harm’s way by giving her dangerous assignments. Other women have said they had to overcome sexual harassment, insular networks of men, and being pigeonholed into specific stories.
Asked about Trump’s potential breach of convention on intelligence sharing, May was unusually critical of the US president, saying: “I never think it’s helpful for anybody to speculate on what is an ongoing investigation.”When the president tweeted, no suspect had been identified and no group or individual had claimed responsibility for the blast.The Met police said the president’s comments regarding Friday morning’s incident were unhelpful and “pure speculation”.There was no immediate response from the White House to questions about the basis of Trump’s assertion.Speaking outside the White House on Friday, Trump made no reference to her rebuke. “It’s a terrible thing,” he said. “It just keeps going and going, and we have to be very smart, we have to be very, very tough. Perhaps we are not nearly tough enough.
I was already midway through my 13 years of working to improve fishery sustainability in the Galápagos and throughout Latin America when I had my “aha!” moment. What I came to realize is that fishers are not the enemies of sustainability or ocean health, but rather the best allies that humankind can have to ensure the conservation of marine ecosystems, food security and poverty eradication around the world. We just need to understand their motivations, needs and concerns in order to help them create the conditions to move fisheries toward sustainability, while not forgetting that crises represent the best opportunities for change.
Of course, aquaculture isn’t the single answer to our future food needs. There is no single answer to how we construct our future food supply. But aquaculture changes a very somber outlook to one that fairly oozes hopefulness.
The 43 Club was founded in early 1946. It was comprised, at first, of tough, well-trained Anglo-Jewish former servicemen. These men set about disrupting the public meetings of the resurgent fascist movement. They also infiltrated it, at great personal risk, to gather intelligence – to learn their enemy’s plans so as to then sabotage them. They fought the fascists on the streets of British cities, and attracted increasing numbers to their cause. They were disciplined, principled and restrained. They were highly effective tactically, and didn’t hesitate to use brute force when it was required. By 1949 the fascist movement in Britain was effectively finished. Mosley had moved to France.Much of this is told by a founding member of the 43 Group, Morris Beckman, in an extraordinary book called The 43 Group: Battling with Mosley’s Blackshirts, published by the History Press. It’s a story of heroic resistance, also a kind of secret history of that rather murky period. I have borrowed heavily from Beckman’s account of that resistance in my new book, The Wardrobe Mistress. It is a novel of the London theatre in those years, and of the simultaneous revival of fascism in Britain. I end the story in a graveyard, with a kind of echo of the Nazi salute. Fascism may at times seem to fade away but it does not die. Whenever it raises its head, as Beckman and his friends understood and as did those protesters in Charlottesville, it must be resisted. Its head must be cut off, yet again.