التحرش: متى تبدأ المسؤولية ومتى يجب التصدي بالكشف؟

التحرش: متى تبدأ المسؤولية ومتى يجب التصدي بالكشف؟

 

يبدو ان شعوب الفيسبوك تحتفل اليوم بما يسمى (ربما) بيوم مؤازرة المرأة (وعلى ما يبدو (المتحرش بها) .

منذ ايام وقامت هوليوود ولم تقعد بعد على فضيحة احد المنتجين الكبار في قضايا تحرش مع نجمات، بدى وكأن عالم هوليوود مبني على التقوى وحسن الاخلاق. ولم يكن هناك حاجة للتفكر كثيرا ، فعالم هوليوود شبيه بعالم السياسة، فيبدو ان زمن هذا السفيه قد انتهى فصار وقت التخلص منه بفضيحة تاريخه مليء بأفعال مثلها . والامثلة كثيرة على سقوط شخوص من عروش السلطة بسبب قضية كهذه ، فما حصل برئيس اسرائيل مثل ضمن امثلة كثر.

وقبل الخوض بموضوع المنتج تساءلت حينها ، كم من الظلم يقع على الممثلة التي تحاول ايجاد فرصة للنجومية؟ وهل خضوعها او سكوتها في حينه يبرئها ؟ وما الذي يسكتها كل هذا الوقت لتخرج وتعترف ؟

وكم من الصعب كان على شابة مرؤوسة من قبل وزير او ضابط صار رئيس دولة بالخروج الى الملأ لمحاسبته؟

والبحث عن جواب لا يحتاج الى الكثير من التفكير ، فالضحية كالخروف الذي تقع رقبته على حد السكين ، فقط ينجو عندما ينجو بالفعل بحياته. ولكن علينا التوقف للحظات امام مساءلة حقيقية امام انفسنا نحن معشر النساء . متى بدأت المرأة منا بكونها الضحية ومتى انتهت الى تكون الجلاد؟

هل يصبح الرجل متحرشا بمجرد ان تقرر المرأة ان تحجم عملية الملامسة التي يود الرجل ان تنتهي الى جماع ؟

في كل لحظة تمر من حياة النساء على هذا الكون يتم التعرض لأنثى ، الاغتصابات التي نسمع عنها بالهند تقشعر لها الابدان ، ما يتم تداوله من اغتصابات علنية في حافلات وفي اماكن عامة في مدن كالجزائر حيواني بجدارة . ما يحصل وراء ابواب المؤسسات المختلفة بشتى اشكالها واحجامها مخجل في كل مرة نرى كيف يتم استخدام السلطة على الموظفة. ما يحصل في جامعاتنا وما يدور في اروقة المدارس. قضية يجب مواجهتها دائما وبحسم ومع الاسف مسكوت عنها دائما .

ولكن هل  تقع المسؤولية بالمطلق على الرجل ؟

هل تبدأ المسؤولية وتنتهي بقول “لا” ؟

هل بالفعل تتحمل المرأة مسؤولية لباسها كما يحدث في بلاد العالم الذكوري كما في السعودية كحد اقصى لمجرد شكلها الانثوي يظهر وكما يحدث بهامش حياة المرأة المصرية كما رأينا في قضية المرأة التي تم صفعها من قبل متحرش قبل سنتين وقام مؤخرا بالتعدي عليها وايذائها؟

هل تتساوى هكذا امرأة بمسؤوليتها كما تتساوى امرأة في ملهى ليلي عارية الملبس تتراقص وتتمايل وتسعى لللمس وتساهم به ، او امرأة تذهب مع رجل تعرف تمام المعرفة بأن نيته تجاهها ليست نية طيبة وتدخل الى بيته او تمشي الى مرقده بعيون غازية؟

بين المثالين تضيع قضية المرأة الضحية ، فتتساوى الضحايا كما يتساوى الجلاد.

لا يوجد ادنى شك اننا نعيش في مجتمعات سلطوية تعزز سطوة الرجل . وتبدأ المسؤولية في تنشئتنا كأمهات لابنائنا الذكور ، وكذلك الاناث؟ كم نربي بناتنا على الا يكن ضحايا ؟ وكم نربي ابناءنا على الا يكونوا جلادين؟

كم منا تربي بنتها على ان جسدها مسؤولية ؟ وكم منا يربي ابنه على ان العبث ليس بالرجولة ؟

وتكبر هذه المسؤولية معنا كنساء بالغات راشدات . لان منا من هن قادرات على الوقوف امام انفسهن والرجل ايا كان وصده قبل ان يفكر بالمحاولة . ومنا من لا يستطعن حتى الدفاع عن انفسهن امام متحرش قد يكون اقرب لها من وريدها .

وفي الحالتين الموضوع ليس بالسهل ، لانه وبالعادة ذلك المتحرش رجل قريب ، تستأمنه المرأة . فالصديق والقريب والزميل رجال تأمن المرأة لهم في مجال حراكها . وتكون الصدمة في اغلب الحالات هناك . ومن اجل هذا تسكت ربما المرأة لان الحرج ليس مجرد حدث عابر ، بل مع شخص عليها التعامل معه او تعاملت معه عن قرب. تصبح مسؤولة عن ما بدر منه ولو لم يصدر منها اي اشارة او تصرف . الا انه بجبروته يظن انه لا يمكن صده . لانه تربى على ان يكون الجبار.

هل تتكلم المرأة ام تسكت ؟

فكلامها فضيحة ، وسكوتها مشاركة بجريمة ستتعرض لها اخرى .

وبين هذا وذاك تبقى حقيقة واحدة تجعلنا نتخلص من هكذا انتهاكات اذا ما قررنا التعامل مع انفسنا بصدق اولا كنساء .

وقد أقدم شهادتي على نفسي كمحاولة في تحمل مسؤولية ما يجري . فبالرغم من ضعفنا لمجرد وجودنا ضمن سلطة ابوية محكمة ، وهذا لا يتعلق او يقتصر بمجتمعاتنا هذه بل بكل العالم . الا ان مساهمتنا جزء من هذا الانتهاك ، سواء بالسكوت او السماح .

اعترف بأنني تعرضت لمحاولات متعددة للتحرش في سنوات عملي ، لمجرد كوني امرأة ” منفتحة”، ” غير محجبة” ، ” مطلقة” طبعا . ووجدت نفسي في احيان اسكت ، وفي احيان استكين كقطة بلا مخالب. الا انني لم اسمح ابدا لاحد بالمساس بي وحتى لمس شعرة مني في هكذا مواقف ، لسبب واضح بالنسبة لي ، لان كوني منفتحة وغير محجبة ومطلقة لا يقلل مني بل يزيدني اصرار على كوني من انا ، وبالتالي لم تفلح اي محاولة بأن تخرج من نفس صاحبها ، الا انها وبلا شك اثرت بي وخدشتني. بل اكثر عشت في لحظات كثيرة خوف لقمة العيش وخوف اتهامات المجتمع.

الا انني وفي المقابل وفي مواضع اخرى خارجة عن اطار العمل وبما يندرج تحت حياتي الشخصية ، كنت متهورة في موقف بخروج ومجموعة ذات مساء ، وكنت على علم بأن احدهم كان يريد التقرب مني لغرض بنفسه ، ولأن ذاك الشخص صاحب منصب ومكانة ما ، قبلت بتلك “آلخروجة ” ومجموعة من الرفاق . في اللحظة التي حاول بها ذلك الرجل التحرش بي شعرت بالاهانة ، وللحق ، لم اشعر بالاهانة منه بقدر ما شعرتها من نفسي ، لاني كنت اعرف ان نظرته وما يريده مني لم يكن ما اردته منه . وتغاضيت عن هذا وخرجت ، وكأنني متحكمة بالوضع . بالمحصلة كان مجرد قبولي الدعوة اشارة له بقبولي . وعلى الرغم من تصرفي اللبق وتأكدي بانني لم اضع نفسي في موقف محرج ، الا انه لم ير ذلك . ومجرد محاولته بلمسي والتي لحسن حظي لم تحصل ، ليس لانني قوية ولكن لكوني ضمن مجموعة استطعت “آلاختباء” والجموع لاتحاشاه حتى اصل الى بيتي.

للحظة فكرت ان اخرج من هذا الموقف بلومه وسبه وصب غضبي على معشر الرجال الذين لا يفهموا ابدا ما تريده المرأة ، ولا يروا الا ما تناديهم به غريزتهم .

الا انني  راجعت نفسي بلحظة تالية ولم استطع الا لوم نفسي على ذاك الموقف ، ليس لاني اردت جلد الضحية بداخلي ، ولكن لاني بلا ادنى شك كنت مسؤولة عن وجودي بمكان لا يناسبني مع شخص كنت على علم بعدم حسن نيته في هذا الصدد.

ومن هنا انهي كما بدأت بسؤال : متى تبدأ مسؤوليتنا تجاه ما نتعرض له من تحرش وانتهاك ، ومتى يتوجب علينا التصدي لهكذا انتهاك او تحرش؟

The slow death of Israeli citizenship

Racism in strange places

As the Right consolidates its power over nearly every sphere of Israeli politics, it is slowly turning citizenship into a matter of ideology. Non-Jewish citizens aren’t the only ones who will suffer.

By Marzuq Al-Halabi

Thousands of Israeli Jews wave flags as they mark Jerusalem Day in Damascus Gate on their way to the Western Wall, East Jerusalem, May 24, 2017. (Yonatan Sindel/Flash90)

Thousands of Israeli Jews wave flags as they mark Jerusalem Day in Damascus Gate on their way to the Western Wall, East Jerusalem, May 24, 2017. (Yonatan Sindel/Flash90)

The concept of citizenship in Israel has always suffered from significant inadequacies, whether due to the Law of Return or to state policies that make acquiring citizenship an extremely difficult feat. The current situation, for example, allows the state to claim that Bedouin citizens in the Negev aren’t citizens at all and that their blue ID cards were issued to them by mistake, even if they and their tribe were here long before the establishment of the state. Moreover, the situation allows the state to convince its High Court of Justice to uphold, time and time again, a law that restricts Palestinian spouses on both sides of the Green Line from family reunification.

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The same goes for foreign workers and asylum seekers — they are good for doing work that Israelis aren’t willing to do, yet we must prevent them from obtaining citizenship at all costs, while denying them human rights. Furthermore, the state has thus far succeeded at convincing the High Court that there is no such thing as an “Israeli nation.”

Analyzing the current state of Israeli citizenship is no less problematic. Citizenship, after all, is not a formal issue limited to identification cards and papers. There are various layers of Israeli citizenship: one for Jews and one for Arabs; one for veteran citizens and one for immigrants; one for those who live in the center of the country and one for those in the periphery; those who are rich and others who are not. Arab citizens in Israel will justifiably claim that the principle of equality — a foundational principle in any democracy — does not apply to them in many aspects of life, thus infringing upon their rights.

In fact, “equality” does not appear in legislation, nor in any of Israel’s basic laws; it exists only in a number of landmark High Court rulings. Moreover, discrimination against Arabs and other groups exists under the guise of bypassing citizenship through national institutions that privilege Jewish citizens. Even the Law of Return gives preference to a Jewish person living abroad over the Arab in Israel.

Palestinian citizens take part in a general strike in solidarity with Palestinians in Jerusalem, West Bank and Gaza, in the northern town of Sakhnin, on October 13, 2015. (photo: Omar Sameer)

Palestinian citizens take part in a general strike in solidarity with Palestinians in Jerusalem, West Bank and Gaza, in the northern town of Sakhnin, on October 13, 2015. (photo: Omar Sameer)

If we look at the concept of fundamental citizenship as it pertains to the allocation of resources — material, symbolic, and spatial — we will understand the depth of the inequality that Arab citizens suffer. The indigenous population, which makes up approximately 20 percent of Israel’s citizens, lives and exists on three percent of Israeli land. Every Arab community has lost approximately seven percent of the land owned by its residents before the Nakba in 1948, through land expropriations for “the benefit of the public,” enshrined in laws and regulations passed for this very purpose.

The state has managed to build 700 new towns since its founding, yet not a single Arab town has been built. Israel’s Arab population has for years been suffering from a lack of infrastructure development, services, and budgets. A new law would allow the demolition of Arab homes while restricting the authority of the courts to interfere. Israel is defined as a Jewish country subject to continual Judaization, in which the Arab is viewed as a nuisance, an invader, even a foreigner. The Arab citizen is entirely excluded from the symbols of the state, even though he/she is used as a fig leaf in its ceremonies, or as a way of legitimizing the state in the eyes of its victims.

Not only Arabs

The political space is an additional realm in which we can analyze the essence of citizenship vis-a-vis Arab citizens. Arabs have always been excluded from decision-making positions. In politics and in the economy, they have been dependent on Israeli Jews — consumers of politics, rather than producers.

This trend has only worsened under the formal policies of Israel’s right-wing government over the past decade. The ethnic democracy creates at least two kinds of citizenships: that of the preferred ethnic group and that of those who do not belong to it. But that does not end with Israel’s Arab citizens. The cheapening of citizenship threatens all those who oppose the government’s policies, even if they make up the bread and butter of the country’s preferred ethnic group.

Education Minister Naftali Bennett, MK David Bitan, Culture Minister Miri Regev and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu attend a Knesset plenum session, December 5, 2016. (Yonatan Sindel/Flash90)

Education Minister Naftali Bennett, MK David Bitan, Culture Minister Miri Regev and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu attend a Knesset plenum session, December 5, 2016. (Yonatan Sindel/Flash90)

It is far easier today to torpedo basic political activities through divide and conquer tactics, delegitimization, and deeming people anti-Israeli traitors. That was done to Breaking the Silence and other civil society organizations who deal with human rights. The attacks on cultural institutions who are unwilling to give up on the role of art — to critique the powers that be and bring forward the voice of the silenced, to speak out against the regime and corruption — is a testament to the attempt to silence artistic freedom of expression.

Death to the citizen, long live the regime

Slowly but surely, Israeli citizenship is diminishing in the face of the Right’s crusade. Citizenship has been damaged by a regime that is attempting to draw its boundaries according to a specific ideology. And all those who stray from that ideology or oppose it will have their rights compromised. What is the significance of restricting the right of Israeli citizens from demonstrating in front of the attorney general’s house if not an attempt to clamp down on political rights that are part and parcel of our civic participation?

After decades of “ethnic citizenship,” it seems that Israel is headed toward “ideological citizenship.” In totalitarian Communist regimes of the past, this type of citizenship was characterized by doing away with society for the benefit of the state, and the state for the benefit of the party. Thus, citizenship is wholly negated for the purpose of praising the regime and its symbols.

Tell me that this is far from happening in Israel for some reason or another, and I’ll tell you: no other situation can arise from the right’s policies — only ideological citizenship, in which the regime will live and the citizen will perish. The nation-state law will only be the first constitutional step toward this kind of citizenship. Because all blind nationalism that sanctifies itself will immediately oppress all those who dare call it into question, especially from within. Jews have already been in this situation — as victims.

Marzuq Al-Halabi is a jurist, journalist, author. He writes regularly for Al-Hayat. This post was originally published in Hebrew on Local Call.

Austria’s neo-Nazis finds friends in Israel | The Electronic Intifada

Europe’s new fascists and Israel’s right have also found an alliance in their common hatred of Muslims.In June, Strache welcomed to Vienna Likud lawmaker Yehuda Glick, a leader in the so-called Temple Movement, which aims to destroy Jerusalem’s al-Aqsa mosque and replace it with a Jewish temple.A photo posted on Strache’s Facebook page shows the pair in a friendly meeting.European Jewish organizations have condemned Israeli outreach to Europe’s far right, including the Freedom Party. Last November, the leader of the Vienna Jewish community published a letter calling on Israeli politicians to shun such meetings and “to draw a very clear red line between us and those who represent hate, neo-Nazism and anti-Semitism.”

Source: Austria’s neo-Nazis finds friends in Israel | The Electronic Intifada

Freak storm Ophelia hits Ireland, fatalities reported | News | DW | 16.10.2017

Unprecedented stormBefore being downgraded to a storm ahead of landfall in Ireland, Ophelia was the largest hurricane ever recorded so far east in the Atlantic Ocean and the furthest north since 1939.The storm came exactly 30 years after the Great Storm hit southern England on October 16, 1987, leaving 18 people dead and causing widespread damage.The eye of Ophelia is forecast to move across Northern Ireland and then Scotland. Although it will weaken during its progress, gusts of up to 129 kilometers per hour are still expected in the UK.Other parts of Europe have also been affected by Ophelia, which has indirectly caused unseasonably warm weather in some regions, including Germany. Wind gusts spawned by Hurricane Ophelia have also whipped wildfires in Portugual and Spain, killing dozens of people.

Source: Freak storm Ophelia hits Ireland, fatalities reported | News | DW | 16.10.2017

Disrespect Our Soldiers?

In Saner Thought

There is so much stuff out there but the one that irks me the most is the fake crap about how people are disrespecting out troops….and then he does not know protocol of those troops….

After he had repeatedly railed against professional athletes over perceived slights to the American flag and military, President Donald Trump joked on Wednesday about a bugle call that is part of the armed forces’ time-honored tradition of showing respect for the Stars and Stripes.

The bugle call occurred during Trump’s interview with Fox News host Sean Hannity, conducted in an airplane hangar used by the Pennsylvania Air National Guard in Harrisburg and before the president’s address on tax revision.

“What a nice sound that is. Are they playing that for you or for me?” Trump said before turning to the audience. “They’re playing that in honor of his ratings,” he added, referring to the popularity…

View original post 60 more words

A Muslim woman’s choice

Beck to the past – not!

Nervana

I wrote this piece for British newspaper I News

“Is that your husband? He is English?” Of the millions of Egyptians in the world today, you opted to marry an Englishman?”

My printed piece.jpg

The Syrian passport control officer glared at me after I crossed the once peaceful Lebanese-Syrian border seventeen years ago. He shook his head, and interrogated me with a fusillade of awkward questions after I had submitted my passport. “Yes, I did marry a blond English man,” I said, looking the officer straight in the eye. “Not only that, but we are also planning to travel around the Middle East together.”

Eventually, Bashar al-Assad’s perplexed official allowed us to enter the country. Little did I realise it was only the beginning of a relentless journey of “honour proving” – a struggle to prove my Islamic bona fides whenever and wherever I travelled. And through it all, one thing eventually became clear:…

View original post 21 more words

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